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I on behalf of the people of Nagalim (Nagaland), greet you all the honourable members gathered here in this general assembly in the gracious name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
I would like to say a big thank you to the President and the General Secretary of UNPO for giving me an opportunity to speak on the latest position of the lndo-Naga political talks in this august House.
To begin with, I would like to highlight a brief historical account of the Naga resistance movement that culminated in the Framework Agreement of 2015.
The case of the Nagas is an invasion of Nagalim by India and Myanmar. The Nagas have been living in their own free country till the British imperialist forces occupied a part of it in 1832 while the rest called free Naga area remains as free as ever.
On the eve of departure of the British, the Nagas of the British occupied Naga territory declared their independence on 14th August, 1947 and joined with their brothers in free Naga area.
In 1950, the Indian Constituent Assembly invited the Nagas to join the Union of India, but it was rejected by the Naga people. The Nagas have neither been a part of the Union of India nor that of the Burma either by consent or by conquest.
Suppressing the right of the Nagas the Indian state invaded Nagalim in 1954 which subsequently gave birth to heavy confrontations between the Indian armed forces and the Naga people where the invading forces committed horrible crimes of human rights violations.
With a view to legalising its military occupation of Nagalim, the government of India imposed its will upon the Nagas in the form of the so-called 16-point agreement in 1960. However, it was rejected outright by the Naga people.
Acknowledging that the Indo-Naga case is political, a cease-fire agreement was reached between the government of India and the then Federal Government of Nagaland on 6 September, 1964 for political talks through the good offices of the Peace Mission. Nevertheless, the talks ended in a dead-lock on account of the colonial design of the government of India resulting in resumption of armed confrontations between the two forces.
In its unceasing attempts to subjugate the Nagas, the government of India dictated another agreement called 'The Shillong Accord' on 11 November, 1975, a kind of settlement within the parameter of Indian constitution. It was however, rejected and condemned by the Naga national Assembly. The organisation, the government and the leadership that supported the Accord betraying the principle fell from the stage of history. The Nagas views any kind of agreement that betrays the Naga national principle/issue is no solution. They are for an issue-based solution.
Realising that seeking for a military solution to the political problem is a futile exercise, the government of India (Gal) invited the NSCN leadership for political talks. Thus, a cease-fire agreement between Gol and NSCN was signed and declared on 1 August, 1997.
After 22 years long intensive negotiations with the Gol involving six Prime Ministers of India, the historic Framework Agreement was signed between the Gol and the NSCN on 3 August, 2015 in the presence of the Prime Minister of India and his colleagues and host of NSCN leaders.
Acknowledging the historical fact, the government of India recognised the unique history and situation of the Nagas. By unique history it means - Nagas have the history of independence. By unique situation it means - situation in Nagalim is an aggression on Nagalim, not law and order situation of India.
Basing on the universal principle of democracy the two parties reiterate that 'sovereignty lies with the people.' It means - sovereignty of the Nagas lies with the Naga people and vice-versa. Nevertheless, it is further stated that Nagas and Indians will coexist as two entities sharing sovereign power which will be defined in the competencies. By coexistence of the two entities, it means - Nagas will not merge with the Union of India, but they will coexist with India maintaining their national entity.
In the competencies Gol recognises the territories of the Nagas stating that land and all the natural and mineral resources on the surface and beneath of it belong to the Nagas.
The Gol also recognises the legitimate right of the Nagas to territorial integration of all Naga areas under one political roof.
Since the unique history of the Nagas and the sovereign right of the Nagas are recognised, it is understood that the Naga flag and constitution are ingredients of their sovereignty.
In spite of all these facts, commitments and agreements, the government of India has started misinterpreting what have been mutually agreed upon and going back on its word. In the event of breaking down of the current negotiations we foresee serious human rights violations again in Nagalim.
Therefore, I on behalf of the Naga people appeal to this competent house to look into the fragile situation of the lndo-Naga political talks and take a positive role from your end so that the current peace process is brought to a logical conclusion.
Th. Muivah, General Secretary and the Chief negotiator, NSCN