The Kukis never claimed to be native people of Nagaland, and that issue never surfaced or was raised. They quietly adjusted themselves within the polity and politics of Nagaland.
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NgaranmiShimray
The Kukis never claimed to be native people of Nagaland, and that issue never surfaced or was raised. They quietly adjusted themselves within the polity and politics of Nagaland, complied with every condition laid down by the host tribes who allowed them to settle in their land and made them one of the tribes of Nagaland. Further, the Kukis never did anything to upset the Nagas of Nagaland even during the 1990’s Naga-Kuki ethnic conflict in Manipur, except the very recent incidents of Maova village with the Chakhroma Angamis which concluded with the banishment of three Kuki elders. The Kukis attempted to intimidate the Chakhroma Angamis with violence, but realised that the tactics applied in Manipur will not work in Nagaland and seem to have accepted the harsh punishment.
Contrast this with the Naga-Kuki relationship in Manipur. The Kukis came in much later than the Meiteis and Nagas who were already settled in Manipur. They came in small groups and worked as the hatchet men for the Maharaj who ruled under the protection of British colonial power and were issued muskets. Within this loose arrangement, they rebelled during the 1917 enlistment of labour corps to be sent to Europe for the First World War efforts and took advantage of the absence of thousands of able-bodied Naga warriors sent to Europe to pillage Naga villages, killing thousands. The different tribes of Manipur lived in peaceful coexistence in the past, but with the coming of Kukis, fights started taking place as they attacked their host tribes. The aggressors have always been the Kukis, and now they want to expand their territory by attacking Naga villages. As they are mainly settled in the foothills between the lands of the Meiteis in the valley and the Nagas in the higher hills, they are leveraging the location of their villages in the highways to blockade vehicular movement to Imphal through Kangpokpi headquarters, and in the Litan-Shangkai Highway stretch to Ukhrul.
Recent incidents of belligerence indicate that the Kukis have armed themselves sufficiently since 2008 after securing anSoO Agreement which gives stipend and ration for their cadre. In 2016, the Kukis achieved the creation of the district of Kangpokpi. Now, with a Dy CM in February 2026 whose spouse is the chief of KNF(P), the Kukis are emboldened and have started displaying a very aggressive approach of trying to consolidate and incorporate Naga territories from Ukhrul, Kamjong and Senapati districts into Kangpokpi district. It is in these areas that the current tensions have surfaced considerably and have the potential of escalation into a full-blown confrontation between the Nagas and Kukis and drag in the Meiteis if they perceive the evolving situation as advantageous for them to secure their lifeline.
There is another hotbed where trouble has not started but has the highest potential for displacement of settlements. These areas are in the districts of Chandel and Tengnoupal. Trouble has not erupted in these districts, but it cannot be ruled out if the current tension in the districts sharing borders with Kangpokpi district in the east, north, and west is not contained and resolved soon.
Consider this scenario. The Kuki tribe has issues with several communities in the northeastern region- They have fought with the Karbis and Dimasas in Assam and the Nagas, Meiteis, Hmars, and Paites in Manipur. They have, since May 2023, picked up fights with the Meiteis, in February 2026 with the Tangkhuls, and in May 2026 with several Naga tribes in Senapati district. There are historical official documents indicating that the Kukis are the late comers into Manipur, and the fact that they are scattered everywhere in the northeastern states proves the fact that they are a nomadic tribe. The majority of the Kukis came as refugees in Manipur from Burma and it peaked in the 20th century and now from Myanmar in the 21st century. CAG audit reports have pointed out the need for strict adherence to Aadhaar biometric records to rule out foreigners within the SoO (Suspension of Operation) cadre being paid stipend, and this audit observation strengthens the allegation that the current problem is partly imported into India from across the border. It is only after the cross border migration of Kukis into Manipur that massacres have taken place in the past till date, affecting almost all the tribes and continuing to do so even today.
The threat from the Kukis does not end with just illegal migration, but a deadlier consequence that has been faced since the early 21st century and that relates to poppy cultivation. They have successfully ventured into poppy farming from which they have generated resources to procure modern firearms. It was the fight against poppy cultivation and drug smuggling, compounded by inept handling of refugees from Myanmar, communalised Manipur police force, uncontrolled mass looting of guns from police armouries, and lawlessness which eventually caused the downfall of N Biren Singh’s government. Even to this day, poppy cultivation is going on right at the foothills surrounding the valley that such a state of affairs can only be attributed to abject intelligence failure, collaboration, and corruption.
The allegation that the Kuki outfits have been used to carry out a proxy waragainst the native people of Manipur since the 2008 SoO agreement was struck is gaining traction with the native people as the security forces are seen transporting rations, housing provisions along with armed SoO cadre to areas considered a threat by indigenous Nagas and native Meiteis. The Meiteis made this accusation in the aftermath of May 2023 and now the Naga tribes are also echoing the same allegation.
The question that arises here is the need to set up Kuki SoO camps outside their area of operation. The camps should be set up in areas where Kukis have a large presence and not in areas that threaten the Meiteis and Nagas villages. The general public cannot be faulted if they misunderstand the situation of setting up SoO camps in areas where the Kuki militants never dominated before. The public is caught by surprise when they witness convoys of vehicles carrying armed SoO cadre moving into their area with ration and housing materials and are interpreted as involvement of security forces in favour of the Kuki SoO cadre. The modalities of the SoO agreement under which the Kuki militants are being paid stipend, given ration and material for shelter by Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), transported and located proximate to the camps of security forces facilitating them to attack Naga villages in Sinakeithei, Litan etc. is fraught to be interpreted as engaging of mercenaries by security forces to carry out their dirty work and act as a bulwark against the freedom movement of indigenous people.
There have been appeals for Christian brotherhood and peace. But with a gun pointed against the head of the Nagas; for example, the Tangkhuls whose lifeline to Ukhrul is closed by SoO cadre, ongoing despicable hostage situation, unaccounted six Naga male folks, the hidden mystery of the ambush and killing of Thadou religious workers; it is very doubtful that there is sufficient trust and confidence between the Nagas and Kukis to work out a lasting peace deal. The Tangkhuls may not countenance and live with the fact that their lifeline line to Ukhrul will remain under the whims and fancies of some gun-wielding Kuki militants and assume that the Tangkhuls will keep travelling normally through Litan-Shangkai highway stretch, knowing fully well that the Kukis living on the roadside may harass, tax vehicle movements, take hostages, etc., as they had done in the past. No peace deal would be tenable unless the lifeline from Imphal to Ukhrul is secured permanently.
The Kukis are shrewd people, and this is evident from the fact that they have followed a different strategy in Nagaland, where they cannot win and hence are humble. In Manipur, they have witnessed the disunity of Naga tribes and have adopted a belligerent approach to achieve their dream of concentrating the Kuki population in Kangpokpi district by grabbing lands of Nagas from bordering districts. Towards achieving their endeavour, they appear to be riding on the back of the MHA as far as the modalities of the SoO agreement are concerned, which gives a strategic advantage to the Kukis. The political decision of making a Kuki Dy CM, whose spouse is the chief of an outfit under the SoO agreement, strengthens the public perception that the Government of India (GoI) is more concerned of the freedom movement of indigenous people rather than the Kukis, who they are used as mercenaries like they were used in the past during British colonial days.
The indigenous Naga people and native Meiteis of Manipur need to view the emerging scenario with grave concern and re-strategise their game. One of the ways is to demand the termination of the SoO agreement with Kuki outfits, and to detect and deport the foreigners to Myanmar.