WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18, 2025

logo

Resurrecting the Body Politic: Naga Reconciliation Beyond Factional Fractures

The Naga political struggle, spanning generations, has exacted sacrifices that defy quantification.

Published on May 22, 2025

By EMN

Share

logos_telegram
logos_whatsapp-icon
ant-design_message-filled
logos_facebook
  • The Naga political struggle, spanning generations, has exacted sacrifices that defy quantification: centuries of cultural and political defiance, rivers of blood spilled in pursuit of self-determination, and the relentless attrition of hope within every Naga home. Yet the promise of a cohesive resolution lies shattered, fragmented into nearly as many shards as there are Naga tribes. This splintering transcends political discord; it is a crisis of societal identity, a collapse of collective vision. Like a tree whose roots no longer draw from shared soil, the branches of the Naga struggle have twisted away from each other, bearing little fruit and much decay. To salvage a resolution worthy of the blood and tears invested, the movement must confront a brutal reality: unity cannot be bartered in secret deals between armed factions alone. It must be resurrected through the villages, tribes, and civil institutions that constitute the soul of Naga society.

  • The very idea of sovereignty, if not anchored in people-driven legitimacy, is reduced to a flag without a nation, a drumbeat without a march, a faulty compass needle spinning wildly in a storm. The Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR), despite its laudable yet insufficient efforts, will court irrelevance if it clings to factional diplomacy while neglecting the deeper fissures in Naga solidarity. Political factions derive their authority from tribal patronage and civil networks; to side-line this symbiosis is to treat symptoms while the malignancy of division metastasises. If politics is the stage, then the tribe is the scaffold, and ignoring the base only ensures collapse.

  • The erosion of unity is exacerbated by the decay of institutions that once bound Nagas beyond tribal allegiances. The Naga Hoho, once an authoritative arbiter of inter-tribal justice and the vanguard of pan-Naga consciousness, now staggers under the weight of disunity, like a bridge crumbling under the feet of those it was meant to carry. The Naga Students’ Federation (NSF), once the crucible where Naga cultural, political, and intellectual consciousness was forged, has fractured into tribal student bodies chasing parochial agenda; their idealism diluted into the shallow streams of tribal rivalry. The Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), whose moral force once bridged political chasms, now struggles with fractured participation, its voice muffled as if speaking through a gag. These were not symbolic entities; they were the vertebrae of Naga unity, forums where divergent voices clashed, compromised, and coalesced around the non-negotiable ideal of Naga reintegration and sovereignty. They functioned as the lungs of a body politic, oxygenating the aspirations of the people and giving breath to the vision of freedom. Their failure is not administrative; it is systemic, akin to an immune system turning against its own body. Their disintegration has birthed a vacuum usurped by tribal self-interest, where myopic gains eclipse the existential imperative of collective survival. Reviving these institutions is not an exercise in nostalgia but a tactical imperative. Without a unified civil front, political negotiations will remain tethered to tribal vetoes, and any accord, be it under the Union of India or outside of it, will lack the sacrosanct legitimacy bestowed only by a people’s indivisible will. Negotiation without unity is like constructing a dam on a fault line, destined to crack under the weight of mistrust.

  • Reconciliation demands a dual offensive. As the FNR engages factions, it must orchestrate a grassroots reckoning with the malignancies fracturing civil society: land disputes weaponised as tribal battlegrounds, historical grievances and tragic fratricidal wounds calcified into generational vendettas, and communities alienated by the political elite’s betrayal. These are not just issues of the past; they are living, festering wounds that bleed into every conversation, every decision, every alliance of Naga polity today. Tribal Hohos must be compelled to re-join the Naga Hoho, not through hollow appeals, but by proving that their agency will dictate, not trail, the political agenda, much like how a river’s current shapes the canyon through which it flows. Student leaders, seduced by tribal chauvinism, must be confronted with the NSF’s original mandate: to forge a generation united by Naga identity, not fractured by clan loyalties. The NMA’s unparalleled moral currency must be deployed to disarm hardened positions, leveraging the sacred authority of motherhood to dissolve animosities that politics alone cannot. Mothers, after all, bury sons regardless of faction. Who better to remind a fractured society of what it truly loses in conflict? This is not abstract idealism; it is cold pragmatism. A divided civil society guarantees divided politics, while unity creates an inexorable tide that factions must ride or be swept aside. Reviving these institutions is not merely a virtue here; it is the fulcrum on which the survival of the Naga movement tilts.

  • The FNR’s mandate must expand to dismantle the structural engines of division. Decades of conflict have birthed a war economy where factions and tribes vie for dominance and resources, entrenching cycles of dependency and distrust, a self-devouring serpent consuming its own tail. Youth marginalised by systemic neglect are conscripted into factional ranks or tribal militias, their potential hijacked from nation-building, their futures mortgaged to the whims of warlords. Civil institutions, starved of resources and relevance, lack the vigor to counter these centrifugal forces. A revitalised Naga Hoho, NSF, and NMA could dismantle this decay by mobilising resources for education, inter-tribal economic collaboration, and cultural revival projects that suture societal fractures. Envision tribal elders codifying a shared historical narrative, students erecting development projects across contested territories, and mothers spearheading truth-telling forums in war-scarred villages. These actions must not be cosmetic; they must function as tectonic shifts in public consciousness. They would transcend symbolic gestures and recalibrate the political landscape, anchoring demands for sovereignty in the unassailable reality of a people already united in purpose. Where people build together, fight side by side, and grieve with each other, politics can no longer divide what life has already united.

  • The stakes are existential for Naga future destiny. Without societal cohesion, even a meticulously drafted political accord will disintegrate under tribal discord, like parchment in a monsoon. External powers, state governments, and rival ethnic blocs will exploit fractures to neuter Naga aspirations, reducing sovereignty to a bargaining chip in a geopolitical game. The sacrifices of ancestors, lives extinguished, villages razed, cultural sovereignty defended, will be betrayed if Naga tribes fail to reconcile with one another. This is not a plea for homogenisation, but a demand for unity-in-diversity, where tribal pride bows to the supreme imperative of collective survival. The FNR’s historic task lies in recognising that political factions, though they emerged from leadership’s ideological or ego clashes and selfish interests, are mere actors in a drama authored by the people who support them. True power resides in the villages deliberating around hearths, the student unions debating in dormitories, the mothers’ collectives mourning in solidarity, and the tribal councils deliberating vital issues. The script of freedom is not written by those who wield weapons alone, but by those who build bridges amid burning fields. By rekindling these flames of solidarity, the Nagas can transmute their struggle from a fractured insurgency into an indivisible political entity, one that negotiates not from the desperation of division but from the inviolable authority of a people indivisible. In the end, only when the people stand as one, shoulder to shoulder, will the dream of sovereignty cease to be an illusion and become, finally, a legacy.

  • Kuknalim!

  • Markson V Luikham