One Nation, One Election (ONOE) groundwork was laid by High Level Committee on Simultaneous elections led by former President Shri Ram Nath Kovind.
This article is perhaps timely but would also appear out of place during this season of festivals. We just had a wonderful Diwali – the festival of light that symbolises victory of right against wrong.
We have Chhat Puja around and also Bhaia-dooj and Bhai Phota for Bengalis and Bhai Tika for Gorkhalis and the people of Sikkim. The Christmas is not too far and I know Naga families and also people from other states in the north east including Meghalaya, Mizoram and Manipur who have started planning travel and tourism during the year end and beginning of New Year 2027.
However, politics is a permanent feature in our democracy. I am also taking an opportunity to wish healthy life to Shri L K Advaniji, who turned 100 on Nov. 8th, 2026. What a dynamic and inspiring personality he has been. But let me here talk about an important issue - One Nation, One Election (ONOE).
Why it is important?
The High Level Committee on Simultaneous elections led by former President Shri Ram Nath Kovind, has laid the groundwork for a "transformative" shift in India's electoral process. Everyone seems to believe that the proposed 'phased approach' to implementing simultaneous elections, along with constitutional amendments, could pave the way for a more efficient and stable electoral environment in India.
I also endorse the view that the concept of simultaneous elections stands poised to streamline India’s democratic processes and bolster the efficiency of governance.
Recently, I called on our respected leader and former President Shri Kovindji. We had detailed discussions on the subject. It was quite an informative interaction for me. I had a few questions on whether the federal nature of India's polity and the relevance of 'regional parties' will feel shaken under ONOE norms. It was explained that in contrast; we will have "a more localized focus during elections". This will enable regional parties to highlight their unique concerns and aspirations.
This setup fosters a political environment where local issues are not overshadowed by national election campaigns. The regional voices would continue to be relevant. Both Shri Kovind sir and I agreed readily that the present election system prevents policy paralysis. Hence, our argument is strong. The implementation of the Model Code of Conduct during elections disrupts routine administrative activities and developmental initiatives.
Who can dispute that this disruption not only hampers the progress of vital welfare schemes but also leads to governance uncertainty. Hence, the moot point is holding simultaneous elections would mitigate the prolonged enforcement of the Model Code of Conduct.
Here, let us look at the coming calendar year -- we have elections in seven states in two phases. By March next year - polls are due in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Manipur and Goa. So in these five states, the MCC will work perhaps from February middle.
Next comes elections in Himachal Pradesh (by Nov. 2027) and Gujarat (Dec. 2027). In effect half the year, the politicians and administrators would be busy with electioneering and at the same time they would be prevented from taking major developmental and political decisions because of the MCC. Due to the ongoing cycle of elections in various parts of the country, political parties, their leaders, legislators, and both State and Central Governments often focus their efforts on preparing for upcoming elections rather than prioritizing governance.
The adoption of simultaneous elections would refocus the government’s attention towards developmental activities and implementation of welfare of the masses.
After my meeting with Shri Kovindji; I also studied a bit on the matter and was delighted to find that the High Level Committee has recommended implementing simultaneous elections in two phases:
Phase 1: Synchronizing Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies elections.
Phase 2: Synchronizing elections for Municipalities and Panchayats with Lok Sabha and State Legislative elections within 100 days.
Equally important is that the Committee highlighted "inefficiencies" in electoral roll preparation by State Election Commissions and recommended creating a Single Electoral Roll and Single EPIC for all three tiers of government.
This would reduce duplication and errors, safeguarding voter rights. It will be imperative to note that the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Ninth Amendment) Bill, 2024 marks the most concrete legislative attempt so far to institutionalise “synchronisation” as stated above.
Introduced in the Lok Sabha on December 17, 2024, it proposes a new Article 82A and amendments to Articles 83, 172 and 327.
Once synchronisation is achieved, a premature dissolution of either the Lok Sabha or a State Assembly would lead not to a fresh five-year legislature, but to a legislature serving only the “unexpired term” remaining in the common five-year cycle. The Bill further permits the Election Commission of India to recommend that an Assembly election should not be held simultaneously if it considers simultaneous conduct infeasible.
The President can then order that the particular State election be held later.
In my humble understanding; “Free and fair” elections are desirable and constitutionally significant. In Indira Gandhi vs Raj Narain case, it was made amply clear that democracy and free and fair elections are integral to the constitutional structure. We may argue democracy as a basic feature while acknowledging Parliament’s capacity to regulate electoral mechanisms. The important point is whether the change of a new mechanism would improve democratic representation and also help improve governance.
The ONOE has answers to these questions. It will be necessary to ensure that the chosen method of enforcing synchronisation actually does not alter the character of parliamentary and federal democracy in India.
M Chuba Ao
Former BJP national vice president
(Views expressed are personal)