V.T. Chakhesang, Nagaland, Kohima
The signing of the framework agreement between the peace talk’s interlocutor R.N. Ravi and the general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah in the presence of the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi on 3rd August, 2015 based on unique Naga history and position was a welcome surprise particularly to the Nagas, as a people group. Precisely, after 18 years 2 days from the commencement of the cease fire agreement on 1st Aug, 1997 between the NSCN(IM) and the Government of India when I.K Gujral was the Prime Minister.
It was imminent about the dissenting tones from the neighboring States of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur as well as the congress supremo Sonia Gandhi who is not an Indian by birth and heir apparent Rahul Gandhi, my contemporary on the surprise element in the peace accord. a) The bone of contention being the apprehension of territorial alteration affecting the neighboring states against the demand for integration of Naga inhabited areas. b) Moreover, as the agreement in question was struck without making them privy to the underlying substance. Now, these includes the State government and civil society of Nagaland as well.
In this regard, two aspects emanating from the essence of these predicament may be elaborated 1) Land and 2) People. Firstly, the ownership of land with the rights to use, alienate, or exclude others from land is safeguarded under the Constitution of India. Indigenous land rights are also recognized by international law commonly known as aboriginal title. And in customary law jurisdictions, customary land is the predominant form of land ownership. The land inhabited by the Nagas as a scheduled tribe belongs to the Nagas, with the inalienable rights of ownership over the customary land. In the light of the above reasons, it would be sensible to question the rationale over the agitation by Sonia Gandhi and the neighboring States against the integration of the Naga inhabited areas.
Whereas, under First Schedule of the Constitution of India, the territories of Manipur is read as “The territory which immediately before the commencement of this Constitution was being administered as if it were a Chief Commissioner’s province under the name of Manipur”. Similarly placed are several territories of other States in the Union of India.
Mention may be made of Major W. McCulloch, Political Agent to Manipur in his “Account of the Valley of Munnipore and the Hill Tribes”, published in 1859. Quote: Negotiations were opened with Gumbheer Sing in 1823 and a party of 500 Munniporees under his command taken into the pay of the British Government. With this party he co-operated with the British Troops in expelling the Burmese from Cachar, and proceeding on, obliged them to evacuate Munnipore. This force subsequently increased to 2,000 men, and denominated the Munnipore Levy, placed under the Command of Captain F. Grant and Lieutenant R. B. Pemberton. Gumbheer Sing having, through the assistance afforded by the British Government, obtained possession of Munnipore, was by the treaty of Yandabo declared independent. Up to his death in 1834, he was employed in coercing the hill tribes and in bringing down from them the fugitives who had taken refuge amongst them from Burmese oppression.
Before the connection of the British Government with that of Munnipore took place, the latter, not to speak of exerting influence over the tribes, was unable to protect the inhabitants of the valley from their aggressions, or to resist their exactions of blackmail, and even after the conclusion of peace with Burma, and the fixation of a boundary for Munnipore, the majority of the tribes were independent, and known to us little more than by name. With the assistance of the arms and ammunition given to Munnipore by the British Government, some of the tribes have been thoroughly, the northern ones partially, reduced. But the presence in Munnipore of a representative of the British Government, has preserved the peace, and by degrees, through his influence, the tribes have been brought to forego aggressions on Kubbo - Unquote.
Furthermore, in the words of Major-General Sir James Johnstone K.C.S.I. “Manipur and the Naga Hills” published in 1896. Quote: A kind of vague boundary between Manipur and the Naga Hills had been laid down in 1842, by Lieutenant Biggs on our part, and Captain Gordon on the part of the Durbar, but in 1851, when utterly sick of Naga affairs, we determined on a policy of non-intervention, permission in writing was given to the Durbar to extend its authority over the Naga villages on our side of the border.
There was a long standing boundary dispute between Manipur and the Naga Hills. The boundary had been most arbitrarily settled by us when the survey was carried out, so far as a certain point, beyond that it was vague. Manipur claimed territory which we certainly did not possess, and which she had visited from time to time, but did not actually hold in subjection. Other portions, as I afterwards proved, were occupied by her, though the fact had not been ascertained. Over and over again efforts had been made to bring the Durbar to terms, but without success. I determined to grapple with the question at once. I took a map and drew a line including all that I thought Manipur entitled to, in the neighbourhood of the Naga Hills, and advised the Maharajah to accept the arrangement on the understanding that when I visited the country claimed further eastward, I would recommend the Government of India to allow him to retain all that he actually held in his possession. This was agreed to by him and confirmed by Government, and I believe that substantial justice was done to both parties - Unquote.
The British Political Agents to Manipur, formerly, Major M. McCulloch and later Major-General Sir James Johnstone and Manipur Rajahs, formerly, Gumbheer Sing and later Chandra Kirtee Singh contrived the then territory of the province named Manipur. There was no consent clause from the Nagas, the true land owners of the Naga inhabited areas while drawing the boundary of Manipur, as well as Assam and Arunachal. Macau and Hong Kong, once British Colonies are now ceded to China, the true owner. The integration of Naga inhabited areas is a reality sooner or later that cannot be denied. Maintaining the declaration of Sonia Gandhi, Nagas do not need an inch of land which does not belong to them. Is it still a wonder but there are yet agents to oversee the British legacy even after the 69th year of Indian Independence.
Secondly, the Nagas as a people group shares a common heritage by descent, culture and religion (Animism). With the passage of time, some changes are by nature indomitable in any race or community. Fundamentally, Nagas are republican as rendered by the early European excursionists. In the annals of Naga narrative, there had been no King nor Chiefs or any type of government that administered the entire Naga tribes. However, there was internal governance within each independent village. It is a fact that there were feuds between clans, villages and the practice of head hunting. But these factors were time-honored necessary evil long-established in the Naga culture. Nevertheless, the kinship amongst the Naga society is closely knitted, as a football is stitched without the thread being seen. Every single tribe is surrounded by diverse Naga tribes interlocked with deep-seated bloodlines across tribes and villages. There are notions within and outside Naga society that there existed no correlation amongst the distinct Naga tribes and villages which is a half-truth. The perception conceived by looking through the prism of the blind man and the elephant.
The spirit of freedom ingrained within the character of the Naga ethnicity since its primeval days restrained his connection to the outside world. Owing to these inherent nature, the coherence amongst the fellow Nagas at no time was deemed necessitated. In this context the mighty British Empire who failed to conquer the Naga country, beguiled the Manipuris and pursued to capture the Naga territory village by village. Led by British commands along with Rajah Gumbheer Sing’s army and Kuki irregulars set off after the restoration of Manipur dynasty in 1823. It begun its conquests over the Kabuis (Rongmei’s), Tangkhuls, Anals, Kom, Koireng, Maram, Mao including part of Angami country to name a few. It went on unabated till the mighty British Empire with the troops of 43rd and 44th Assam Light Infantry, 34th Bengal Infantry, Cachar Police, Naga Hills Police with two seven-pound mountain-guns under General Nations along with Manipuris and Kuki irregulars under Col. James Johnstone waged the ill-fated Khonoma war on 22nd Nov, 1879. After destroying Phesama in a night attack by the Manipuris and Kukis killing more than 200 on 11th Nov, 1879.
The inherent spirit of freedom amongst the Nagas displayed o'er in the Khonoma war, when Mezoma village assisted the British authorities against Khonoma village. Taking the advantage of this weakness prevalent in the congenital character of Naga people, the British and Manipuris trampled and annihilated the Nagas. The vanquished were taken as slaves by the Manipur Rajah and exacted taxes from the Naga villages. Beginning from 1823 till 2015, the Nagas in Manipur have been oppressed for 192 long years almost 2 centuries now. However, till the end of the British Raj in India, the greater part of the Naga country consisting the present Mon, Tuensang districts including those under Arunachal Pradesh and in Myanmar could not be subjugated which remained free from any interference.
Nevertheless, the British Scheme in striking the Achilles heel of the Naga race was executed with a grand finesse by fragmenting the Naga country into bits and pieces. The Naga hegemony over the British subjects in Arracan, Cachar, Manipur and Assam collapsed once and for always. In the words of Major M. McCulloch, “We rescued them from a yoke, which has bowed to the dust, the energies of every people, over whom it has been cast; and we may fearlessly refer those who doubt the ameliorating influence of our rule to Arracan, to Cachar, to Munnipore and Assam, and abide the result of a comparison between their past and present condition, between the sufferings they formerly endured and the peace they now enjoy”.
Recognizing the need for cohesion amongst the Naga brethren, the movement was started and the pinnacle was once reached by the then NNC under Zhapu Phizo. The present effort by Isak Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah through the NSCN had emerged behind much strife within and without. How further can it reach this time, in the road once travelled will solely depend on the rank and file of NSCN(IM). Much will rely on the wisdom of dealing with the fiercest frontline - one’s own family, the Naga kindred save with a conscience-stricken strength of solemn moderation sans arrogance. Naga people will never forget the dark accounts of the NSCN(IM) vis-à-vis the assassination of the leaders of the other Naga Political Groups. However, Nagas have to move forward leaving aside the past as a necessary evil. The advent of Christianity from the American missionaries had been a blessing in disguise and a uniting factor for the Nagas. In true Christian spirit, the innate Naga character of unrestrained freedom ought to be checked (self-restraint) for restoration of the Naga nation as a whole. The raging Naga character of unrestrained freedom is still looming large amidst individuals, factions, tribes and regions. The agents of British legacy in Delhi are wide-awake to sow the seeds of divide and rule, to rehearse the nearly 200 (two hundred) years of captivity of Nagas in Manipur on their own land. Perhaps, freedom or sovereignty may not rest in the hands of the people in Delhi, but rests within the Naga people because Nations are instituted by the Creator. Are the Nagas ready to reap the fruit of one Nation, the aspiration of our patriarch Zhapu Phizo and thousands who laid their sacrificial life? Kuknalim!
