A Memorandum of Agreement has been signed with the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) for formation of Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA).
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Monalisa Changkija
As is well known, a tripartite Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) was signed by the Government of India, Government of Nagaland and representatives of the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organisation (ENPO) for the formation of the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA) on February 5 last at Delhi. The FNTA’s jurisdiction covers Nagaland’s six eastern districts of Tuensang, Mon, Kiphire, Longleng, Noklak and Shamator. Under the Agreement, powers relating to 46 subjects will be devolved to the FNTA to strengthen decentralised governance and accelerate development in Eastern Nagaland. The Agreement “does not affect in any manner whatsoever” the provisions of Article 371(A) of the Constitution of India.
The formation of the FNTA has been greeted with both disappointment and delight. Disappointment for fear of future divides and disintegrations of the State of Nagaland. Delight, as the move is seen as long pending justice for a grossly neglected area. The fear has some basis, as the ENPO sees the FNTA as a first step towards statehood, a stated aspiration and goal it hasn’t abandoned. The delight also has much merit because the disparity of the levels and quality of over-all development between other districts in the State and the Eastern districts are too stark to ignore. The debate goes on as to why situations in Nagaland’s eastern districts have boiled down to the formation of the FNTA.
It may be reminded that our Eastern districts were a part of the erstwhile North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) in the 1950s but were included in the State of Nagaland in 1963. Two districts of Tuensang and Mon were created, which covered all the present four districts of Kiphire, Longleng, Noklak and Shamator. Till the early 1970s, this area had a regional council, which ceased to exist after joining the State Assembly. There was much hope that the area would be equally and impartially developed along with the rest of the State and to some extent, this was happening in the mid-late 1960s till the early 1970s.
This was the period when Nagaland’s early administrators were fully committed to the work entrusted to them despite struggle and sacrifices. As a child having lived in these and other interior areas in the 1960s and early ’70s, one recalls strong community bonds and the never-say-die spirit. It was a time of man against nature, man against man and man against scarcities. With meagre tools and machinery, no electricity, no piped water supply and no pliable roads, etc., the aspiration and the struggle to overcome was manifest through the hands-on policy, literally and otherwise. The need for teachers, nurses, doctors, office staff, pastors and other necessary human resource was dire. They were brought in from other parts of Nagaland and Assam. Led by dedicated administrators, these are the real pioneers and builders of our eastern districts, as indeed the rest of the State.
But with time, local, regional, national and global dynamics changed. Numerous factors impacted economic systems, which influenced political perceptions, perspectives and policies. These changed and changing dynamics did not discriminate even far flung and grossly under-developed areas. It is pertinent to remember that not only Eastern Nagaland but also a good part of the entire Northeastern tribal region hadn’t actually integrated into the capitalist system, much less neo-liberalism. Eastern Nagaland’s tragedy was being caught in the whirlwind of these changed and changing dynamics totally unimagined, unprepared and none to lead the long walk into the unknown, reflecting several irresponsible and unresponsive governments.
It took a long time but from within Eastern Nagaland found its feet and voice. Perceptibly, the FNTA is a result of much inner soul-searching and cogitation. The demand for statehood for this area was first made over a decade ago and a half. One of the strengths of our Eastern brethren is their realism and pragmatism. When it was apparent that the statehood demand would not work, they demanded a Union Territory, which they soon realised would also not be met. They then settled for the next best offer, which has culminated in the formation of the FNTA after a lot of negotiations. Clearly, they seem to have decided that something now is better than nothing ~ possibly ever. A couple of days after signing said MoA, the ENPO President stated that the statehood demand hasn’t been abandoned. Clearly, they know that words and sentences begin with ABCs. This is maturity at work based on and because of long term vision. And this has great significance because the ENPO’s visions are not hinged to a single or a few personalities. Over the years, we have seen the ENPO conducting regular organisational elections indicating that its vision and aspirations are people and consensus-based ~ not individual-centric; neither is it monolithic, as organisations are wont to become over time. For a small community like ours rife with several leaderships, this is an interesting and significant development that must be carefully studied.
So yes, Eastern Nagaland deserves the FNTA because the area needs special attention and nurturing for over-all sustainable development. The Centre has committed to provide financial assistance annually in the initial years. Now, much would depend on how well the utilisation of these funds are supervised and monitored. Much would also depend on the commitment and dedication of the human resource entrusted to the task of developing Eastern Nagaland, which entails in-depth knowledge and expertise not only of the area and the people but also on development administration and governance. The Government of India had entrusted the governance and development of erstwhile NEFA in the hands of the hand-picked India Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS). Would the Centre consider such an arrangement along the lines of the IFAS now for Eastern Nagaland and other under-developed border areas? They could be hand-picked IAS, State Officers and subject specialists from other sectors and specially trained for this responsibility.
Would the FNTA be viable? It is too early to say. It depends on numerous variables keeping in mind that the same political parties and politicians, who had neglected the area for decades, continue to represent Eastern Nagaland in the State Assembly. Much depends on how closely the ENPO keeps an eye on things ~ and this would later depend on the Organisation’s future leaderships. FNTA provides a level playing field for our Eastern areas, so citizens’ transparency, accountability and vigilance quotients will determine the feasibility, viability and quality of governance and development delivery of the FNTA. But it is worth the attempt because good governance, development, justice, equity and human rights are not privileges but the promise of democracy and the Constitution.
(The Columnist is a Dimapur-based veteran journalist, poet and former Editor of Nagaland Page. Published in the February 23, 2026 issue of Assam Tribune)