On July 29, 2020, the Union cabinet gave its approval to a document "The National Education Policy 2020" which replaced the earlier policy of 1986. However, since education belongs to the Concurrent List in the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution, a national education policy can be finalised only through the concurrence of both the Centre and the states. The Policy fails to recognise the Constitutional obligation by the Centre to recognise in an appropriate manner the power of states on matters of education. The Policy has virtually robbed the states of their Constitutional rights and gives overarching powers to the Centre. It proposes to create an excessively centralised structure of authority. The States have neither the freedom to prescribe their own priorities nor to position themselves critically against the policies of the Centre. The National Education Policy, 2020 failed to include secularism, social justice and equality while going back on the constitutional requirement of adhering to the balance of power between Centre and States. It also removes the safeguards available against the tendency to centralise the management and administration. NEP also places undue emphasis on distance or virtual education, despite the digital divide so cruelly exposed during the pandemic. All these measures will work against the interests of students from poorer, backward and SC/ST sections and paves the way for gradual withdrawal of the State from education. One fails to find a single reference in the entire document to 'child labour' as factors impeding a child's education. It impedes unconventional, critical thinking and free enquiry by tying value-education up with a Vedic belief system that is not in consonance with current times and Constitutional principles. The policy suppresses the cultural multiplicity and diversity of the knowledge production in the country. Further, by entrusting a centralised National Research Foundation (NRF) as the sole authority to identify, approve and fund all research projects and topics with scant regard for constitutionally-sanctioned principles and practices of decentralisation. The dismantling of the affiliating system advocated in the policy will adversely affect pooling of resources and the access of students from a non-affluent background to higher education in rural and remote areas. While the document mentions scholarship and financial support, there is, as noted earlier, no explicit mention of the reservation system, which provided a certain minimal level of support to marginalised groups. Apart from physical access, there are disciplines / interdisciplinary domains that have emerged to address the concerns of marginalised groups including SC/ST studies, women/ gender studies, studies of discrimination and exclusion, to name a few. These do not find a mention in the NEP.
The Asian "Tiger" countries consistently invested 4-6% of GDP each on R&D, education and health, all crucial factors behind their dramatic progress. In comparison, India fell far behind from the outset, with severe impact on human development. While premier institutions of higher learning and research were opened even in the early decades, school education has remained a major weakness throughout. India's expenditures only about 3% on education against 6% recommended by all committees. Despite reaching 90% enrolment in elementary education, enrolment at higher stages have continued to drop to currently around 50% at secondary level. The Right to Education Act (RtE) of 2009 made free and compulsory education between 6 and 14 years age a right but, despite being law, RtE has now been virtually abandoned under the National Education Policy (NEP). The crucial mandate of 'Universalisation of education of good quality', which is the substantive content of the RTE Act, is replaced in NEP to mere Universalisation of ECCE. Except for one mention of Universalisation of ECCE, in the entire document, the word `universalisation' is absent. NEP gives so much prominence to online education that government may even deny the importance of enrolment or drop-out in physical schooling. Centralisation with new structures like Rashtreeya Siksha Aayog, National Higher Education Qualification Framework, National Higher Education Regulatory Authority etc. eventually leads to a comprehensive disempowerment of the Indian States in the sphere of education. Serious implications on Federalism (autonomy and rights of States) and concurrent status of education. With education in the concurrent list, the rights of the States under the Indian Constitution are curtailed and the role of the States will be that of coordination with the Centre and implement the policies as decided by the Centre. Today, there is a need to adopt a substantive approach, towards equality of outcome, where diversity, difference and disadvantage are taken into account. A critical function of education for equality is to enable all learners to claim their rights as well as to contribute to society and the polity. The document is not addressing this need. There is concern on the increase in the Undergraduate course duration to 4 years as it increases cost. Another peculiar situation is that the courses of vocational skills are being taught by those trained in pure sciences or social sciences. For example, a biology teacher is supposed to teach mushroom farming. Another concern is the value of the certificate; diploma or degree course in the employment market. On the issue of research, the removal of the M.Phil programme does not strengthen the researchers along with insufficient funds and support. In the contemporary India the Union Govt. is bulldozing all kind of policies which negate diversities, federalism. New National Education Policy 2020 is one such policy of the package. The state of Nagaland started implementing the structural changes suggested in the NEP 2020 in a seemingly patchy and selective manner as regards different elements of the NEP. Present studies of Nagaland revealed that the student dropout out rate in Nagaland primary schools stood at 19.4 per cent four times above the national average of 4.3 per cent, making the state one of the highest school dropout rates in the country. As per survey, the dropout rate in the upper primary (VI-VIII) and the secondary (IX-X) too stood at 17.7 per cent and 35.1 per cent respectively. Dropout rates were higher in Government schools than the private schools. According to Education Department, the pass percentage in High School Leaving Certificate (HSLC) examinations in the government schools was 40.77 per cent in the year 2018-19 before Covid 19 pandemic struck. The key reasons for the dismal performance of the schools may be due to lack of sufficient teachers, non-availability of subject teachers to teach the subjects. NEP is intruding the states subject as mandated by the Indian Constitution. This is equally impacting the state of Nagaland. Centre is encroaching on states subjects like education. The Centre has pushed through several policies like NEP as many of them intruded on the federal balance between the Centre and the states as mandated by the Constitution. These steps are a clear indication of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) pushing India towards a unitary state. As Nagaland prepares for 14th legislative assembly election, it is painful to see that no political parties in their manifestoes talk about revamping the education policy with seriousness. People who are silent at the dwindling federalism don't seem to get the bigger picture. Most disturbing of all, is 'failure' to resist the moves and the 'complete silence' of the civil society and media. Common people too need a lot of convincing and mobilising apparently as they quietly going along with NEP is somewhat puzzling and concerning.
With the state election on February 27 and a new Nagaland Government would form thereafter, pressure should be built such that steps should be taken immediately to counter this centralisation of education in the state of Nagaland. The centralised education policy of the central government is threatening the culture, customs of Nagas with severe impact on the youths. Text books should be prepared with local content and flavor incorporating local culture, customs, history. The 4-yr Vocational Courses in college are good steps instead of the conventional BA Courses but requires separately designed short-term Certificate/Diploma courses. The questions like how can we just achieve and expect higher level outcome in Nagaland, where schools are stratified and majority of the children are denied good facility and even grade specific teachers or how one can expect higher level out come from those students supported by unpaid volunteers need to be addressed. The continued focus on, and development of, the inter-disciplinary spaces concerns of the Nagas must be insisted upon. Need an education policy in Nagaland based on local values and customs so as to fulfill the local needs.
Dr. Biplab Ghosh
(biplabbdn@yahoo.com)
Dr. Biplab Ghosh is an activist based in Guwahati