The demography of the State of Nagaland especially the commercial district of Dimapur has undergone substantial changes in the last 3 to 4 decades due to the arrival of people from outside the district and state. According to the Census of India 2011, 40.87 percent of the total population of Dimapur are not Scheduled Tribe. It means that nearly 41 percent of the population on Dimapur are non Nagas and even among the remaining 59 percent all are not members of recognised tribes of the state. Among the 40.87 percent non ST population, there are those who were granted the status of indigenous inhabitants after statehood. Some examples of those who fall into this category of demography are the Marwaris, Sikhs, Muslims mostly non Bengalis who are recorded as Mohammedans, Bengalis etc. The list of people in this category is well documented along with their present descendants. Although no official census have been published of this group, it is generally accepted that their population has seen lesser growth and many have opted to migrate out of the state since the nineties. Cases of misrepresentation by those outside the category can also not be ruled out. Nevertheless, the probability of this category of non Naga non Scheduled Tribe indigenous inhabitants substantially contributing to the very distinct demographic picture of Dimapur district is very low. Therefore it can be theoretically accepted that most of the 40.87 percent non ST population of Dimapur are migrants who arrived recently.
For the very strategically located district of Dimapur which is also the gateway to Manipur, the presence of high number of migrants especially in the plain areas is only natural. Moreover like any other commercial hub, Dimapur has attracted migrants looking for opportunities over the years. Although the entry to the hill area is restricted and requires the Inner Line Permit, the plain areas of Dimapur are exempted from it. It is also reported that the number of Nagas who have migrated from the other districts of Nagaland has also increased over the years. However, the arrival of migrant population from the other states should not be a cause for concern and both groups of people, the locals and the migrant population, should be able to live in harmony unless assimilation with the local population is a real threat. Nagaland still has very strict regulations in place to protect the local tribes; reservation in employment, land ownership rights, reservation of seat in the assembly etc.
However the biggest cause for concern is the presence of a suspected large number of immigrants who have entered the country illegally through the porous border that the Northeast share with the neighbouring countries especially Bangladesh. The eventful history between India and Bangladesh added with border disputes and shared rivers has disturbed the demography of the Northeast over the decades. Without proper mechanism to check this influx, it is only natural to rely solely on racial profiling to differentiate the supposed group of people who have entered the country illegally. The same thumb rule is applied by some vigilante groups, tribe organisations and even the officials. Nagas have also coined the term Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrants(IBIs) which no doubt will become a diplomatic embarrassment if one day Nagaland wants better trade relations with Bangladesh to do away with the current black market. Sadly for the bangla speaking Muslims even if they are citizens of India all are stereotyped as IBIs and also referred to by the Urdu word that is used to address a person with respect, Mian. On the other hand the Hindu immigrants from Bangladesh are automatically considered as Indian citizens in Nagaland. Many go unnoticed because on many occasions when asked about their state of origin the safest reply would be to say that they are from Tripura.
The complete lack of knowledge of the history of these groups of people very near to our borders have today become a cause for alarm. Over the years the bureaucrats who are supposed to advise the lawmakers have also somehow ignored it. For example, the Rohingya crises has caught the world’s attention at present, but it cannot be denied that there may have been instances of their illegal entry into India including Nagaland since the nineties. After the Myanmar uprising of 8/8/88 resulting in the coup by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (later renamed as State Peace and Development Council) , reprisals by the junta displaced many ethnic minorities from Myanmar. The arrival of refugees from the Chin Hills to Mizoram in the aftermath is also one such instance. However in Nagaland, it was only those who had read about their history and those who had knowledge of their language knew about it or had the suspicions and was discussed only among the very tiny pockets of intellectual circles of those years. At present, with the Internet especially with video streaming sites, it has become easier to identify languages.
In such a complex scenario, it is time the State Government has to formulate more effective and stringent measures and processes to detect such cases. It should ensure that no forged or false documents are issued from the state which can be used in neighbouring Assam for updating the National Registry of Citizens. The possession of Aadhaar should not be considered as a sign of citizenship. Moreover an in depth awareness campaign is required for the officials, tribe organisations and the local bodies so that the various measures put in place are more effective and at the same time the genuine Indian citizens are not victimised due to racial profiling.
