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Contextualisation of Colonial Strategic Geo-Political Framework: A Critique with Reference to Naga-land and Naga-Politics

As a Professor of Philosophy, I approach this topic with a blend of historical reflection and philosophical inquiry, seeking to unpack the legacies that shape our region today.

Published on May 14, 2025

By EMN

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  • As a Professor of Philosophy, I approach this topic with a blend of historical reflection and philosophical inquiry, seeking to unpack the legacies that shape our region today.
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  • Nagaland, nestled in India’s Northeast, is a land of rugged beauty and resilient people, with a history shaped by colonial strategies and a vibrant Naga political identity. The colonial geo-political framework—crafted by the British to control borders, resources, and tribes—left a lasting imprint, influencing Naga politics from the 19th century to the unusually lengthy ongoing peace process. This 30-minute talk will contextualise that framework, critique its impact on Naga-land, and propose a philosophical roadmap for reconciliation and progress. Let us dive into this critical exploration together.
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  • Contextualising the Colonial Geo-Political Framework

  • To critique the colonial legacy, we must first understand its design. The British East India Company and later the Crown established a strategic framework in Northeast India, including Naga-land, driven by geopolitical and economic motives.
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  • Colonial Strategies
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  •              Border Control and Buffer Zone: The British viewed the Naga Hills as a buffer against Burmese incursions and a frontier to secure Assam’s tea plantations. The 1826 Treaty of Yandabo and subsequent expeditions, like the 1879 Naga Hills expedition, imposed administrative boundaries, often ignoring tribal territories like any other colonial territories in Asia and Africa.

  •              Divide and Rule: The Inner Line Regulation of 1873 segregated Naga areas from plains, fostering isolation and exclusion. This policy, coupled with missionary influence, disrupted traditional governance, replacing it with indirect rule through appointed chiefs.

  •              Resource Extraction: Timber, rubber, and minerals drew colonial interest. The Naga Hills District (1874) was carved out to regulate trade, exploiting local labour while limiting tribal autonomy.
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  • Impact on Naga Identity

  • This framework sowed seeds of resistance. The Naga Club’s 1929 memorandum to the Simon Commission rejected forced integration into British India, asserting self-determination. Post-independence, this evolved into the Naga National Council (NNC) and the 1951 plebiscite, where the supposed 99.9% favoured sovereignty, reflecting a political awakening rooted in colonial disruption. To be objective and fair, these figures are widely considered to have been inflated due to logistical and communication challenges at the time. Moreover, the political awareness was not that wide spread among the Nagas. Wide political consciousness came much later throughout the Naga areas.
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  • Philosophical Lens

  • From a philosophical standpoint, this mirrors Hegel’s dialectic—colonial imposition (thesis) sparked Naga resistance (antithesis), seeking a synthesis in self-rule. Yet, Kant’s categorical imperative—treating people as ends, not means—challenges the colonial use of Nagas as pawns in a geopolitical game. This tension shapes our critique.
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  • Critique of the Colonial Legacy in Naga-land

  • The colonial framework’s legacy is a double-edged sword, offering prospects while posing persistent challenges.
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  • Prospects
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  • Political Awareness: The colonial experience galvanised Naga identity, leading to the creation of Nagaland State under the External Affairs Ministry on 1st December 1963 after the 16-Point Agreement was signed with India. Due to the selfishness of some Naga leaders the entire Naga areas within the Indian Union could not be integrated into the newly created Nagaland state except the then Tuensang area which formed part of NEFA (North East Frontier agency) which is known as Eastern Nagaland today. This the first golden opportunity Nagas lost in their political journey. Short-sightedness, ignorance and selfishness had caused this significant loss.  In 1967, 6 rounds of peace talks were held between the late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and the then Ato Kilonser, Kughato Sukhai.  Though Indira Gandhi was willing to give high autonomy but due to the unwavering stand of the Nagas on sovereignty coupled with tribal rivalry, jealousy and mistrust further negotiation and ceasefire eventually collapsed. The Nagas lost the second golden opportunity. This missed opportunity had spiralled into unprecedented bitter betrayal and intense tribal feuds exploded leading to the infamous Shillong Accord of 1975. This Accord had further fuelled to the birth of Factions and many killings among the Nagas themselves based on narrow ethnic and tribal lines. The extremely narrow tribal allegiance and loyalties had played havoc among the Nagas. Such tribal blood feuds coupled with bitter betrayals had also incurred the wrath of Chinese Communist Party. The ongoing peace talks with groups like the NSCN (IM), initiated in 1997, reflect a maturing political discourse but it is also bound to collapse due to the extreme stands of both the negotiating parties.

  •              Cultural Resilience: Despite missionary conversions, Naga traditions—hornbill festivals, oral histories—endure, enriched by education initiatives like those at Nagaland University and other educational institutions.

  •              Strategic Location: Naga-land’s proximity to Myanmar positions it for trade under the Act East Policy, with the Imphal-Moreh highway extending influence.
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  • Challenges
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  •              Insurgency and Violence: The NNC’s armed struggle, followed by factions like NSCN-IM, NSCN (Khaplang) and other factions have led to over 20,000 deaths since the 1950s. The 2015 Framework Agreement’s ambiguity fuels distrust and suspicion.

  •              Ethnic Fragmentation: The Inner Line’s legacy deepened divisions among Naga tribes—Angami, Ao, Sema, Tangkhul, Konyaks—exacerbated by colonial favouritism and post-independence policies. The 2023 Manipur violence, spilling into Naga areas, highlights this rift.

  •              Economic Stagnation: Colonial resource exploitation left little infrastructure. Today, Nagaland’s economy relies on subsidies (70% of its budget), with agriculture and horticulture underdeveloped despite potential. Due to undue taxations by about 30 factions among the Nagas micro and small scale industries cannot simply grow. The net result is Nagas are heavily dependent people though outwardly they are shouting for independent and sovereign state. What a travesty? There is no visible attempt or policy for genuine self-reliant plan and activity.
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  • Philosophical Critique

  • Nietzsche’s critique of power dynamics resonates here—colonial domination imposed a “will to power” over Nagas, distorting their agency. Gandhi’s Satyagraha, advocating non-violent resistance, contrasts with the insurgency, suggesting a path not fully explored. The challenge is to reclaim agency without perpetuating conflict.
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  • A Future Roadmap

  • A roadmap must heal and empower through reflection and forgiveness

  •              Reconciliation Through Dialogue: Establish inter-tribal councils, inspired by the Naga Hoho, Global Naga Forum, Naga Students, Naga Mothers’ Association, United Naga Council, Naga women’s Union, ANSAM and Forum for Naga Reconciliation to address grievances. Educators can facilitate peace workshops.

  •              Economic Diversification: Promote organic farming, tourism (e.g., Dzükou/ Dziiko Valley), and handicrafts, leveraging Nagaland University’s research. Teachers can guide student startups.

  •              Political Inclusion: Advocate for a federal structure recognising Naga autonomy, aligning with Rawls’ justice as fairness. Engage students in civic education to build trust.
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  • Call to Action: Our Role as Educators

  • As educators, we are bridges to this future. Let us:

  •              Teach History Critically: Explore colonial impacts in our curricula, fostering empathy. Frame syllabus for Naga history and teach that to children in schools

  •              Support Peacebuilding: Mentor student projects on reconciliation and development.

  •              Advocate Equity: Use Nagaland University and other important academic institutions”  platforms to influence policy for Naga rights.
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  • Conclusion

  • Manipur’s Naga areas and Eastern Naga areas” socio-political landscape, shaped by colonial strategies, offer both challenges and prospects. By critiquing this legacy through a philosophical lens and charting a roadmap of dialogue, diversity, and development, we can envision a vibrant Naga-land. As Tagore urged, let us awaken this region to a fearless, harmonious future through genuine hard work and transcending ethnic and tribal boundaries as true emancipated and liberated individuals.
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  • Xavier Pfokrehe Mao,

  • Professor, NEHU, Shillong.