Belated Reaction: A Modern Disease Afflicting the Nagas
Belated Reaction: A Modern Disease Afflicting the Nagas
Consider the recent protest against border fencing and scrapping of FMR (Free Movement Regime) in Kamjong, Chandel and Tengnoupal districts of Manipur by the Nagas living there. The adage says, “strike while the iron is hot”
Spontaneous reaction or response seems to have deserted the
Nagas. They have become a very cautious lot, possibly a negative impact of
bloody purges witnessed in the modern Naga freedom history. The response of
Nagas is sluggishly slow and appears to be echoed only after appropriate
signals are made from the policy epicentre.
Consider the recent protest against border fencing and
scrapping of FMR (Free Movement Regime) in Kamjong, Chandel and Tengnoupal
districts of Manipur by the Nagas living there. The adage says, “strike while
the iron is hot”. This belated reaction by the Nagas is perplexing as policy
decision has been taken by government of India (GoI) more than a year back and
implementation has started on the ground. It is already a hardened piece of
rigid iron not malleable anymore how hard you hit it. The reaction is rather
too late and appears to be more symbolic and a cover up of Naga policy paralysis
as policy decisions by the Central Government are not easily modified.
The Nagas should have stated their views when the former
Chief Minister of Manipur, Shri N Biren Singh urged the MHA on September 23rd,
2023 to scrap the FMR and construct border fencing along the Indo-Myanmar
border. It was clear without doubt that scrapping of FMR and border fencing
would severely affect familial ties, economic activities and customary
relationship along the entire Naga areas in Nagaland and Manipur bordering Myanmar.
The Mizoram CM spontaneously reacted decrying and opposing it as he understood
its impact. But there was no reaction from the Nagas of Nagaland, Arunachal
Pradesh and Manipur. After more than a year belated reaction are being echoed.
Unlike the nomadic nature of the Kuki tribes, Nagas are not known to migrate
and are fiercely attached to their land which is a widely known fact and needs
to be stressed as this constitute the main argument to allow FMR without border
fencing to continue in Naga-inhabited areas of Nagaland, Arunachal and Manipur.
In other words, nuanced policies could be applied by the Central Government for
Naga areas and Kuki areas based on the nomadic behaviour of the tribes living
in the border area.
The belated response of the Nagas appears to indicate a
policy paralysis. This is of serious concern now that President’s Rule has been
imposed in Manipur, opening up the prospect of talks for a political settlement
of the ethnic conflict. Regardless of the ambitious demands by the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar
tribes for a state or UT, in most likelihood, the political settlement could
boil down to a Bodoland type of empowered district/territorial council. The
question that arises is about the future of Naga areas of Manipur if political
settlement is thrashed out for the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes. Would the Nagas be
given similar treatment as they along with the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes live in
the same “Hill Areas” of Manipur determined under Article 371-C? Unlikely, as
no Manipur Naga CSOs or organisations have sought for a Bodoland type of
empowered district/territorial council. This appears to be on account of the
fact that the Nagas, especially of Manipur, are enthralled and hypnotised by
the prospect of the Framework Agreement bringing better and loftier political
settlement than the Bodoland type empowered district/territorial council which
is an autonomous entity subordinate to the state government. Also, it should
not be forgotten that the aspirational political settlement of Nagas includes
Flag and Constitution if the NSCN demand is conceded by GoI.
There is, however, a new narrative spun by a veteran
politician on Naga Peace Talks gaining traction and resonating with the Naga
people of Nagaland. The veteran Naga politician is no less than Mr SC Jamir
(former CM and Governor), the only survivor among the signatories of the
Sixteen Point Agreement that resulted in creation of the State of Nagaland, who
has stated that the NSCN has already given up sovereignty and integration, and
that the demand for a Naga Flag and Constitution is outside the framework of
the Constitution of India, within which the peace process is expected to be
concluded.
The narrative by the veteran politician is contrary to the
narrative of the NSCN which hinges on the unique history of the Nagas accepted
by GoI under the Framework Agreement. They have interpreted the acceptance of
the unique history of Nagas as an acknowledgment by GoI that the Nagas were
independent people living in their own land run by village republics and were
never under any kingdom or ruler except under the colonial British power from
whom they declared independence from the British rule on 14th August 1947, one
day before India became an independent nation on 15th August 1947.
Both the contentions have their own merits and can be
interpreted differently to suit their point of view. The Naga Peace Talks have
become more complicated as the NSCN seems to assert that without a Flag and
Constitution there cannot be any settlement to the Naga peace issue. However,
Naga people should not forget that it is the role of the Naga peace negotiators
to seek and for the GoI to dispense. An adage comes to mind; "If wishes
were horses, beggars would ride". Reality points to the fact that J&K
lost their special status of having a separate Flag and Constitution and
suffered the ignominy of being downgraded from a State to UT under the current
ruling party at the Centre and is begging now to get its statehood status back.
Against this backdrop, logically speaking, the prospect of GoI conceding to the
demand for a Flag and Constitution would at best be remote.
Against the backdrop of Naga peace talk stalemate, the
imposition of President’s Rule in Manipur has raised hopes of dialogue and
peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict in Manipur and this in turn has
infused a sense of urgency for the Nagas of Manipur to make their stand clear
as to whether they wish to wait for the final Naga peace settlement, with Flag
and Constitution and perhaps a new structure of federal relationship between
the Centre and an entity to be known as “Nagalim” - negotiations for which is
mired in convoluted interpretations of the Framework Agreement, or take a
decision as a interim measure and a prelude to the final Naga settlement to be
part of the political settlement that would be thrashed out for the
Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes. If the decision is to wait for the final settlement of
Naga Peace Talks then the Nagas of Manipur, unlike the Nagas of Nagaland who
already have a State and are not oppressed or subjugated by other communities,
face the risk and prospect of the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes taking a march ahead in
enjoying the fruits of their political settlement within Manipur which may come
in the form of financial, legislative (customary, traditional and land laws),
administrative, and policing powers for the district/territorial councils. The
Nagas of Manipur should not forget that the Naga Peace Talks have been going on
for 27 years and that the final settlement, desired and expected by the Naga negotiators,
could prove to be “elusive” and fraught with the possibility of peace talks
breaking down. Nagas should be reminded of the adage - “a bird in hand is worth
two in the bush”. Nagaland was created in 1963 more than 62 years back and has
enjoyed fruits of being ruled by themselves unlike the Nagas of Manipur, along
with the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes, who continue to be suppressed, oppressed and
subjugated by the dominant community in Manipur and this scenario is likely to
remain unchanged for the Nagas of Manipur if they forego what would be offered
to the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes as a political settlement of Manipur crisis. In
fact, it could be advantageous to both the Nagas and Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes if
they join hands and put up a strong negotiation unitedly to include separate
land settlement and land revenue system and administration for “Hill Areas” of
Manipur which the Bodoland Territorial Council lacks. The Nagas should seize
the opportunity of an imminent resolution of the Manipur crisis by putting their
weight behind the Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes and strike a harder bargain and also
bring out clarity relating to lands of Nagas in the Hill Areas where
Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes are settled now.
If past responses are indicative of current trend, no one
will be surprised by a slow sluggish response of Manipur Naga CSOs and
organisations as they await advice. However, there is the possibility of policy
prescription of the Naga peace negotiators prevailing yet again. Under such
circumstances, the Naga tribes of Manipur living in the “Hill Areas” of Manipur
could face the prospect of witnessing and envying the gains of the
Kuki-Zomi-Hmar tribes on various fronts from the political settlement, while
they languish under the antiquated “Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act,
1971 for many more years to come. They may become the laughing stock of the
north eastern people mocking them of "biting off more than you can
chew" and having “missed the bus”.
After all, no one can predict what the future holds for the
Naga Peace Talks to ever conclude in ones’s lifetime or fizzle out and leave
the dreamers high and dry. When the time is right for Manipur Nagas to decide
whether “a bird in hand is worth two in the bush”, it is hoped that better
sense will prevail. Best of luck, my Naga folks. The ball will soon be in your
court.
