By James Pochury
Sometimes, during passionate and heart rending TV debates by animal rights activists, in the backdrop of Jalikattu, I used to momentarily feel a sense of indignity...reflecting how some sections might be considering Naga people’s ways of fulfilling their culinary tastes and habits. Just then, I would breathe a sigh of relief recalling how some of these well intentioned but blinkered activists could very well be part of a hegemonic brahminical upper class mindset, and deeply Casteiest and looking down upon the poor in their own spaces and relationships. This irony is manifested in the way Dalits and adivasis continue to be treated as untouchables and primitive committing and unmoved by heinous atrocities on them, dispossessing and alienating them from their ancestral domains and habitats, despite far reaching legislations and fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution. One shudders at such glaring double standard and hypocrisy of differential treatment.
Article 371 A (which states that the Indian parliament cannot make laws without the permission of Nagaland legislature), whatever be its flaws and constraints, indeed is the only legal link that binds India and the Nagas in the Indian “puppet” state of Nagaland in a position of power. The Article is itself on a shaky ground and not sacrosanct because Clause b of 371A gives the Governor of Nagaland exceptional and unquestionable powers, thereby declaring at his whims any areas of Nagaland as Disturbed Area, followed by AFSPA. There are also forces at play to bring in a Uniform Civil Code across India. Such an environment cannot be conducive for Nagas to express and exercise their right to self determination and democratic freedom. More than 80 years of forced occupation of Naga areas coupled with utter failure of governance on all fronts, continue to take a toll on the Nagas. But the emerging hope is that political consciousness around resource politics seems to be growing. As is evident in sporadic but violent resistance episodes; ACAUT resistance could be one such and the latest being the opposition to ULB elections that is perceived to be infringing on 371A or has the potential to open the floodgates for other Constitutional provisions and Acts to apply to Nagaland.
The issue is much larger than “contested traditions” and gender justice. It is necessary to understand, see and address the present conflict not as merely a battle against 33% reservation for women in the urban bodies but much bigger, between Naga patriarchy and Naga women on the one hand (which is internal to the Nagas), and between the Indian State and the Naga ethos, values, traditions and customs; manifested by the imposition of governance structure antithetical and antagonistic to Naga existence. Since we have in our Naga collective consciousness the notion that Nagas are equal, therefore our women have every right to seek to put that notion or principle into practice.
And this struggle, for a truly egalitarian Naga society, both, men and women, boys and girls have to work together as partners and not at loggerheads or as one superior over the other. The struggle has only taken an ugly turn that needs to be salvaged to mend broken bridges and breach the high walls of antagonism. The patriarchal basis of Naga society cannot be changed merely by legislations or representation.
Egyptian novelist Ms. in her “Culture and Meaning” (in Trans National Institute, tni) shares her experience of the Arab Spring, that “Culture” is often regarded - and may be presented by political and religious authorities - as being both homogeneous and static, yet we know that there are always fault lines and voices that don’t get a hearing or are suppressed. We also know that well-intentioned external efforts to address harmful or gender-restrictive traditional practices can have the effect of further entrenching them.
Soueif says that change happens organically within each community/culture group. The change is for the better – in other words towards more freedom, openness, transparency, etc – when people are confident and not defensive. ‘Outside’ intervention should only ever be at the request and according to the demands and guidelines of trusted and authentic ‘inside’ groups. So a feminist group from, say, Somalia, wanting to work on feminist issues in Norway, would only do so in partnership with credible, rooted Norwegian groups and their programme”.
It is not only a question of priorities but we need to be much more nuanced and strategic in the way women’s emancipation is sought to be achieved. Because if the issue takes a “men versus women” stance then whatever could be achieved internally and organically, however uphill a task, would get even harder, if not impossible. Therefore, a women-led common struggle is critical to take the Naga men and boys along. To begin with, by recognising the fact that Neoliberal “Reform” agenda (benefitting crony capitalists) is sparing no one as it continues to overpower and surpass democratic institutions and elected local bodies. It is targeting resource-rich tribal lands in Central and Northeast of India and developing nations of the global South. Unprecedented land grabbing and land alienation is happening in the name of Reforms to push Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and Smart Cities. Existing laws are being amended or surpassed by “Reform” policies and programmes, like Act East Policy. Smart City project will deploy a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) to kill democracy. Elected town and municipal bodies will be overpowered by 50% representatives of multinational companies mandated in the SPV. Naga entrepreneurs and companies will not have the level playing field to compete with the multinationals.
The priority and clear goal therefore for us ought to be to ensure that democracy is not hijacked by capital with elected bodies becoming the sanctifying bodies for the exploitation of our land, its resources, its people and its humanity.
